God and Democracy
The relationship between American democracy and God is deep and complex. The Declaration of Independence appeals to a divine source for human rights: “All men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights…”. Children in public and private schools have for decades pledged allegiance to the flag “one nation under God, indivisible with liberty and justice for all.”
The assertion that rights come from God, not government is a key idea that underpins American democracy. If rights come from God, no government can take them away. The founders believed these rights are absolute and protected against tyranny. They saw God as a guarantor of moral order, not as a ruler over law. The framers Jefferson, Franklin, Adams and others all had deep religious convictions derived from Christianity.
Despite the God vocabulary, the American government is secular. It protects both the freedom of religion and freedom from government-imposed religion. The U.S. Constitution makes no direct mention of God. The omission was deliberate.
Some scholars describe a “civil religion” that uses symbols like “In God We Trust” to unite citizens. The role of faith in public life remains a subject of ongoing debate—touching on issues such as public displays of religious symbols, which beliefs (if any) should take precedence, how religious practice aligns with the First Amendment, differing views on when human life begins, and more. Such debates and disagreements are, in fact, a fundamental part of American democracy.
The sociologist Robert Bellah writes that Americans use “moral languages” in three ways to make sense of their lives: the biblical tradition (community, covenant, and service); the Republican tradition (citizenship, civic virtue); and therapeutic/expressive (self-realization, personal growth). A problem, he notes, is that excessive focus on the self can weaken social bonds involving family, religion, and civic life. He calls for a new sense of individualism—one that values individual autonomy but also recognizes our obligations to others and to society as a whole—the public or common good. Religion can nurture compassion, responsibility, and commitment that democracy needs to survive.
Another sociologist, Robert Putnam, best known for his book Bowling Alone, argues that America’s liberal democracy is threatened by social isolation caused in part by the weakening of membership in civic organizations. He says that social and political fragmentation existed earlier in American history and was moderated by a profusion of labor unions, chambers of commerce, scouting groups, churches, and other membership organizations. Putnam believes that the U.S. can renew its democracy by rediscovering the benefits of a vibrant civic life, particularly in an age of obsessive scrolling on devices rather than face-to-face conversations.
Alexis de Tocqueville, during a visit to America in the 1830’s was surprised by this penchant for membership in community organizations and in how religion and liberty reinforced each other, rather than being in conflict. He observed that religion provided the moral discipline and sense of duty that free institutions need to survive, teaching self-restraint, honesty, and concern for others.
The democracy he observed over 200 years ago evolved over the course of more than 2000 years, beginning with the ancient Greeks. Socrates believed truth and virtue required philosophical reason, not majority opinion. Plato in The Republic argued for rule by philosopher-kings. Aristotle emphasized virtue ethics as the moral basis for politics, that democracy was one form of governance, but that it could degenerate into mob rule. For centuries, there was tension as to whether justice is determined by divine or rational truth, or by the will of the people. Greece was ruled by an elite group of men, and slavery was common.
From the 1st-13th centuries, the Christian period in Europe, God, not the people, was the ultimate source of moral authority. Jesus’ teaching created a dualism between divine and earthly rule. Medieval Europe featured the notion that political legitimacy derived from divine right, not consent.
During the Renaissance and Enlightenment period, the 14th to 18th centuries, Humanism revived Greek rationalism and civic virtue. The Reformation weakened the Church’s monopoly and emphasized the individual’s ability to have a direct relationship with God. For the American founders, democracy is based on both divine and rational legitimacy.
For modern secular democracies of the 19th and 20th centuries, the French Revolution and later liberal movement embraced secular democracy, wherein people alone are the source of legitimacy. Totalitarian movements of that time--fascism and communism--tried to replace God with the state or a dictator. Scholars then as now, asked: Can democracy survive without a transcendent moral anchor that appeals to and animates the majority of its citizens?
Today, the first Trump presidency and so far, the second, restored among some Americans the idea of a divinely chosen leader. Others saw what is happening as a mashup of divine legitimacy and popular sovereignty, recalling ancient and medieval characteristics. A throwback to a darker time. Those opposed to this belief see a threat to Enlightenment ideals of reason and equality before the law.
Does democracy derive its moral authority from divine faith and intercession, or is it sustained purely by rationality and human rights? Is a mix possible in America? What are the tensions in and characteristics of other democracies? Can self-governance, rule of law, compassion, and participation in civic life alone sustain democracies in a time of social discord, rising inequality, social isolation, loss of faith in traditional models of representation, and technological change?
It may be helpful to look at how democracy has evolved over the millennium. The foundational precepts can be found in the world’s enduring faith traditions. Add God to the recipe based on historical and cultural factors. The Global Centre for Rehumanising Democracy’s founding director, Dr. Jacob Udo Udo Jacob, says he is influenced by the Benedictine order of the Roman Catholic Church. Their values are worth examining because the echo precepts found in the history of democracy and spiritual belief. They include Community: Striving together for the common good and growing in relationship with God, one another, and self. Hospitality: Receiving others as Christ with warmth and attentiveness. Moderation: Honoring all of God’s creation and living simply with balance and gratitude. Prayer: Attending to the mystery and sacredness of life, abiding in the divine presence, listening and responding to God. Respect for persons: Recognizing the image of God in each person and honoring each one in their giftedness and limitations.
Recognizing the importance of the centrality of the spiritual in the lives of some members of democratic societies. Such beliefs may not be necessary for the success of the democracy project, but they make an important contribution and, in some cases, can unify perspectives unable to find any other source of agreement. They are private expressions of faith that contribute to the greater public good.
The moral pillars of democracy in America and some other liberal democracies are reflected in the world’s great faith traditions: Christianity; Buddhism; Islam; Hinduism; Judaism. The pillars can be described as Compassion and love for others; Justice and fairness; Honesty and integrity; Respect for life; Charity and service; Self-control and humility; The Golden Rule (“treat others as you would like to be treated”); Hope and responsibility. Ascribing the pillars to specific democracies by quality and quantity is not needed. What’s important is that overriding moral principles derived from people’s spiritual beliefs have been key to the evolution of the democratic form of governance. A weakening of these values is related to a loss of faith in democracy itself. We know what the problem is. Now it’s time to solve it with action.
